2018.6.23期经济学人翻译参考L4:西方移民政策与价值观的冲突
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Leader 4
Stop it
停下吧
How the West’s immigration policies clash with values
西方移民政策与价值观的冲突
And why the values usually win
为何价值观总会胜利
IN TEXAS an infant is separated from his mother by the federal government to deter others from coming. In the Mediterranean a boat with some 630 migrants on board is prevented from docking at an Italian port, and Italy’s deputy prime minister seeks to boost his popularity by threatening to expel Roma people. In Berlin a coalition government may fall over how to handle immigration (see article). These things might look separate; in fact they are connected.
在德克萨斯州,为了阻止更多非法移民来美,联邦政府强行将一名婴儿从他的移民母亲身边带走。在地中海区域,一个意大利港口拒绝了一艘载有约630名移民的船只靠岸,而意大利副总理则试图通过威胁驱逐罗马人民来提高他的声望。在柏林,联合政府可能会因无法处理好移民问题而垮台(详见文章)。这些事情表面上看起来毫无瓜葛,但实际上它们之间关系紧密。
The failure to gain political consent for immigration has been implicated in the biggest upheavals in the West: Brexit, Donald Trump’s victory, the grip Viktor Orban has over Hungary, the rise of the Northern League in Italy. All these events have pushed politics in a direction that is worrying for those who prefer their markets free and their societies open. This creates a painful trade-off. Resist the demands for more brutal immigration enforcement, and electorates may keep voting for candidates who thrive on blaming foreigners for everything. Accept the solutions proposed by the likes of Mr Trump (see article) or Mr Orban, and Western societies will offend against their fundamental values.
各国始终未能在移民问题上达成政治共识,原因在于近些年西方发生的种种巨变——英国脱欧、特朗普胜选、欧尔班·维克托(Viktor Orban)领导匈牙利,以及意大利北方联盟的崛起。一些民众希望本国市场更加自由,社会更加开放,但西方近些年的这些剧变将政治推向了他们所担心的方向。这种局面带来了一项充满痛苦的抉择,如果拒绝公众提出的对移民实行更多严厉的强制措施,那么选民们可能会持续投票给那些将一切错误都归咎于移民的候选人。如果接受了特朗普总统(详见文章)或欧尔班总理之类政客提出的建议,那么西方社会将会违反自己的基本价值观。
Take the White House’s approach, which resulted in 2,342 children being separated from their families last month. To use children’s suffering as a deterrent was wrong. It is the sort of thing that will one day be taught in history classes alongside the internment of Japanese-Americans during the second world war. To argue that the administration had to act in this way to uphold the law is false. Neither George W. Bush nor Barack Obama, who deported many more people annually than Mr Trump, resorted to separations. To claim it was necessary to control immigration is dubious. In 2000 the government stopped 1.6m people crossing the southern border; in 2016, when Mr Trump was elected, the numbers had fallen by 75%. Deterrence no doubt played its part, but prosperity and a lower birth rate in Mexico almost certainly mattered more. No wonder, after a public outcry, Mr Trump abandoned the policy.
以白宫的移民政策为例,该政策在上个月导致了2342名儿童与家庭分离。利用儿童的痛苦经历作为威慑是错误的。总有一天,这种事情会像二战期间美国政府拘留日裔美国人那样出现在历史课堂中。认为政府必须通过这种方式来维护法律的观点也是错误的。无论是乔治·沃克·布什(George W. Bush)还是贝拉克·奥巴马(Barack Obama),他们都未采取分离政策,即使他们每年驱逐的人数都比特朗普要多。声称有必要控制移民的主张也不靠谱。在2000年,美国政府阻拦了160万穿越美国南部边境的移民。在2016年特朗普当选之时,这一数字下降了75%。威慑政策毫无疑问起到了应有的作用,但是,几乎可以肯定地说,墨西哥本国的繁荣趋势以及低出生率明显影响更大。也难怪特朗普在引起公众抗议后废除了这一政策。
Other examples of deterrence have fared no better. Britain’s government concluded from the Brexit referendum that it should redouble efforts to create a “hostile environment” for immigrants. It ended up sending notices to people who had arrived in Britain from the Caribbean in the 1950s, ordering them to produce documents to prove they were British. The harassment, detention and deportations that followed resulted in the resignation of the home secretary. Likewise, in 2015 European governments argued that rescuing boats carrying migrants from north Africa merely encouraged more to risk that journey. Then as many as 1,200 people drowned in ten days, and Europeans were horrified at the cruelty being meted out in their name. European leaders concluded that voters were not pro-drowning after all.
其他一些移民威慑政策的例子也好不到哪去。英国政府从脱欧公投中认识到需要加倍努力给移民制造“敌对环境”。最终英国政府发放通知,要求上世纪50年代从加勒比地区来到英国的移民出示能证明他们英国人身份的文件。随之而来的骚扰,拘留,和驱逐导致内政大臣下台。同样在2015年,欧洲各国称接收载有北非移民的救援船只只会让更多的难民放手一搏,乘船渡海。紧接着10天内就有1200名移民溺死于途径海域,而这一残酷事件则追究到欧洲人的头上来,让他们十分惶恐。欧洲领导人表示,人们毕竟不想看到难民淹死在海里。
Shock and awfulness
震惊,可怕
The left often concludes from this that people calling for enforcement are cruel and racist. But that is wrong, too. In principle countries must be able to secure their borders and uphold the law. In practice a policy of neglect invites a backlash that helps people like Matteo Salvini, leader of the Northern League (slogan: “Italians First”), or Horst Seehofer, Germany’s interior minister, who has threatened to bring down Angela Merkel. The outrage feeds on itself. Mr Salvini wants to deport hundreds of thousands of migrants from Italy; Mr Seehofer wants to send tens of thousands of migrants to Italy.
左翼人士经常就此类事件称那些呼吁强制执行法律的人都是残忍的种族主义者。然而这种看法也是错误的。原则上来说,各国家都应有能力确保边境安全,维护相关法律。但事实上,这些法律并不完备,因此遭到人们的反对,同时也帮助了一些民粹主义者,如北方联盟领导人马泰奥•萨尔维尼(Matteo Salvini,其口号是:“意大利人优先”)、扬言扳倒安吉拉·默克尔的德国内政部长霍斯特•泽霍费尔(Horst Seehofer)。他们越来越愤怒。萨尔维尼想要把数十万移民从意大利驱逐出去;泽霍费尔则想把数万移民送到意大利。
The Platonic ideal of an immigration policy is one that has the consent of the host country. It treats migrants humanely but also firmly, swiftly returning those who arrived illegally or whose claims to asylum have failed. This is easy to prescribe but hard to enact. Courts are overstretched, many cases are hard to adjudicate and poor countries may not want their citizens back. And so rich countries tend to pay poorer ones to set up vast holding-pens for humans, as Italy does with Libya and the EU does with Turkey. This involves something which would not be tolerated at home, but is somehow acceptable because it is out of sight.
理想的移民政策就是移民国认可的政策,对待移民人道却又严格,即刻遣返那些非法入境或者未经收容所批准接收的移民。这种理想政策制定起来容易实行起来却很难:法院要求过高,一些案件很难裁决;贫穷国家或许并不想让被遣返的公民回国。富裕国家还想揽下贫穷国家建造大型人用围栏的费用,比如意大利帮助利比亚,欧盟帮助土耳其。这种事情在国内是无法容忍的,但是在人们看不见的地方又不那么难以接受。
Europeans were right to condemn the separation of children. But they face a wave of migrants from their populous, poor, war-torn neighbours. When they draw up their own policies, they should remember their discomfort this week.
欧洲人谴责美国将孩子和父母分离,十分正确。但是他们的邻国人口众多、贫穷而且饱受战争之苦,来自这些国家的移民潮是他们要面对的现状。他们制定限制移民的政策的时候,应该想一想这周他们面对美国移民政策时有多么愤慨。
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